Republicans Aim to Flip Minnesota Blue-Dog Democrat’s House Seat

(Bloomberg Businessweek) — Representative Collin Peterson’s reelection campaign got a call this summer about some trouble downstate in Minnesota’s 7th Congressional District. Farmers supporting the 15-term Democratic congressman, who chairs the U.S. House Agriculture Committee, had put Peterson placards up along a stretch of highway. The problem, according to the worried campaign volunteer, was that they were sitting next to signs for President Donald Trump.

“What do you mean, a problem?” an aide asked the volunteer, according to Peterson’s retelling of the conversation. “How do you think he gets elected?”

The exchange sums up the question at the core of this closely watched race. Peterson may be a Democrat. But he’s pro-gun rights and pro-life, and a founding member of the centrist Blue Dog Coalition. “At one time there were a lot of people like me” in Congress, he says. “I’m the only pro-life Democrat left. I’m the only NRA A+ Democrat left.”

So far, his social and fiscal conservatism has helped him fend off Republican challengers as his largely rural district in Minnesota has gone deep red. Trump swept the district by 31 points four years ago, making this the most Republican House district in America still represented by a Democrat. Will enough Trump voters split their tickets this time around and send Peterson back to Washington? Republicans are betting no. They see 2020 as their moment to flip the seat.

Peterson has his most formidable competitor in 30 years in Michelle Fischbach, a former Minnesota lieutenant governor and the first woman president of the state senate, who’s been endorsed by Trump. She’s hoping that endorsement and her emphasis on low taxes, border security, law and order, and other conservative issues will help her overcome the challenge of going up against a veteran House Agriculture Committee member in a farm-heavy district.

“She’s raising money. She knows how to run a campaign, and she’s viewed as a better financial investment by outside donors than previous challengers have been,” says Kathryn Pearson, an associate professor of political science at the University of Minnesota in Minneapolis. Campaign analysts at the nonpartisan Cook Political Report rate the race a toss-up.

Fischbach, 54, is touting a “fresh outlook.” She says voters “are tired of Collin Peterson. They are tired of Nancy Pelosi.” And she says Peterson “only votes with Republicans when it makes him look good in the district.” She’s also sought to tie the 76-year-old congressman to a “socialist” Democratic agenda. Peterson, who voted against impeaching Trump and who enjoys hunting bears and deer on his farm when not on Capitol Hill, says attempts to portray him as aligned with progressives such as Ilhan Omar and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez show that Republicans “have nothing else than to make up stuff.”

The two candidates aren’t far apart on fundraising, with Peterson taking in $1.23 million from January 2019 through July 22, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Fischbach brought in $1 million over the same period. She has significantly outspent Peterson, however.

But

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Texas Dems highlight health care in fight to flip state House

Texas Democrats are making health care the heart of their final pitch as they look to flip the state House, which Republicans have held since 2002.

In a “contract with Texas” that Democrats are rolling out Thursday and which was shared first with The Hill, the party is touting policies it would try to enact should it flip the net nine seats it needs to gain control of the chamber. The central pillar of the plan is expanding Medicaid in Texas, which has the highest number and rate of uninsured people in the nation, as well as boosting coverage for children and making care for women more equal. 

The party is betting that voters in the state who normally rank health care as a top issue will be even more receptive to messages around expanding coverage in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, which has hit the Lone Star State particularly hard. And after Democrats across the country won in a “blue wave” in 2018 fueled by promises to improve coverage, Texas Democrats are confident their strategy will work. 

“I think we have seen for a while now, before the pandemic, before any of us heard of coronavirus, that health care was a top-ranked issue, really across the country. Certainly in the 2018 elections, health care was a key issue that year,” said state Rep. Chris Turner, chair of the Texas House Democratic caucus. “But this year, with this pandemic, with the health care crisis that is affecting everyone, it’s just through the roof right now. People expect policymakers to address health care access.” 

The heart of the Democrats’ “Affordable Health Care for Every Texan” plan is providing coverage for 2.2 million more residents by expanding Medicaid, which the party says would also lower premiums and prescription drug prices for all Texans. Estimates from the party gauge that Texas would receive $110 billion in federal money over a decade if Medicaid is expanded. 

The plan also calls for expanding coverage for children by extending children’s Medicaid “through 12 months of continuous eligibility to align with [the Children’s Health Insurance Program].”

Lastly, Democrats look to bolster women’s health care by ensuring access to abortion — including by ensuring clinics that offer the procedure receive proper funding — and reducing maternal mortality rates, including bringing down the disproportionate rate at which Black mothers die during childbirth.

The party is also eyeing other health care-related legislation, including bills to strengthen protections for people with preexisting conditions if ObamaCare is repealed and ending surprise medical billing.

Texas Democrats have long lamented Republicans’ policies on health care in the state, including their refusal to expand Medicaid and work to curb abortion access, but indicate those efforts would face reenergized resistance if they win back the state House.

“Without the gavel, we haven’t been able to dictate the tone and tenor of what happens on the floor, so this time around we will be able to keep divisive and hurtful legislation off the floor and we’ll

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Crenshaw looms large as Democrats look to flip Texas House seat

Democrats hoping to turn Texas blue see a tempting — if formidable — target in freshman Rep. Dan CrenshawDaniel CrenshawSecond night of GOP convention outdraws Democrats’ event with 19.4 million viewers GOP sticks to convention message amid uproar over Blake shooting The Hill’s Convention Report: Mike and Karen Pence set to headline third night of convention MORE (R).

Crenshaw’s seat is one of several in Texas Democrats are contesting this cycle, and the party is bullish that the 2nd District — and the state at large — are in play. But while several other Democratic House contenders are either competing for open seats or in districts with lesser-known incumbents, the party could face headwinds trying to unseat a rising GOP star in Crenshaw, who has been cast as a future Republican thought leader. 

On paper, the 2nd District is similar to other areas where Democrats saw massive gains in the 2018 midterms. It has a high number of college graduates, it includes parts of a major city — Houston — and the surrounding suburbs and about 44 percent of adults there are either Black or Hispanic, two demographics that lean Democratic.

But in 2018, as Democrats captured the House, they lost an open race to Crenshaw by more than 7 points. And the former Navy SEAL and combat veteran is running for reelection with a campaign account of over $4 million and a mushrooming national profile.

Democrats have thrown their support behind Sima Ladjevardian, a prominent Houston attorney and health care activist who fled Iran as a child, survived cancer and advised former Texas Rep. Beto O’Rourke’s 2018 Senate campaign, setting her up to run as a candidate with a compelling life story who reflects the growing diversity of the Houston area and Texas at large. 

“I want somebody who cares and can give back and can represent the people of the community, and I’m the person to take him out,” Ladjevardian said in an interview. “It’s my duty for a country that’s taken care of me to give back and make sure I do that.”

Democrats see promising signs that the district could be moving in their direction.

While Crenshaw won in 2018 by a healthy margin, O’Rourke lost there by just 1 point the same year. The party has also been able to narrow the margins in presidential races — the district went for the late Sen. John McCainJohn Sidney McCainAnalysis: Biden victory, Democratic sweep would bring biggest boost to economy The Memo: Trump’s strengths complicate election picture Mark Kelly: Arizona Senate race winner should be sworn in ‘promptly’ MORE (R-Ariz.) by 20 points in 2008 and now-Sen. Mitt RomneyWillard (Mitt) Mitt RomneyTrump ‘no longer angry’ at Romney because of Supreme Court stance GOP lawmakers distance themselves from Trump comments on transfer of power McConnell pushes back on Trump: ‘There will be an orderly transition’ MORE (R-Utah) by 27 points in 2012, but President TrumpDonald John TrumpSteele Dossier sub-source was subject of FBI counterintelligence

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Which House seats could flip in November?

Here are the 10 House seats most likely to flip parties, updated from our rankings in July. There are three on this list that haven’t been on it before. And we’re taking off one seat that was previously in our top five: Rep. Joe Cunningham (D) in South Carolina’s 1st District, where it looks like he’s consolidating enough support and money to be reelected, or at least stay out of the top 10.

10. Minnesota 7th (Democratic-held, new to the list): Longtime Rep. Collin C. Peterson (D) has been remarkably resilient in a rural farming district that Trump won by 30 points in 2016 and will probably win by double digits again. But Republicans think this time, he’ll lose. They’ve nominated former lieutenant governor Michelle Fischbach, who is outraising Peterson. Here, the Republican base is consolidating behind Trump despite his poor polling on handling the pandemic. The question is whether Peterson, who voted against Trump’s impeachment and drums up his farm bill expertise, has a brand that can outrun how conservative this district has become. “He’s just wearing the wrong jersey in a Trump district,” one Republican said.

9. New Jersey 2nd (Republican-held, new to the list): Here’s a head-spinner for you: Democrats are trying to take out a lawmaker who helped them win the House in 2018. Rep. Jeff Van Drew got elected as a Democrat then became a Republican a year later during impeachment. Trump won this South Jersey district in 2016, but do moderate voters feel burned by Van Drew’s switching? He has a strong challenger in Democrat Amy Kennedy (yes, of that Kennedy family). And as outside Democratic groups advertise against him, accusing him of being a Trump loyalist, Van Drew has perplexingly not responded in kind on TV.

8. Texas 24th (Republican-held but will be open in 2020, previous ranking 6): After Democrats surprised even themselves with how well they did in the Texas suburbs in 2018, there are a number of Texas races Democrats see as competitive this year. This district in the greater Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex is now majority-non-White, and GOP Rep. Kenny Marchant is retiring. Democrats say they’re genuinely excited about their nominee, Candace Valenzuela, who has a compelling life story that includes being homeless as a child. But Republicans think Democrats are getting over their skis. They see a district that favors Trump, and Valenzuela is up against former Irving mayor and Trump administration official Beth Van Duyne, who is better-known.

7. Ohio 1st (Republican-held, new to the list): This Cincinnati-area district is another suburban seat that Democrats say is getting more competitive for them in an hurry. Rep. Steve Chabot (R) is trying to run for a 13th term after getting 51 percent of the vote in 2018 against a troubled Democrat. Both sides sense this is going to be a close race after Democrats nominated health-care executive Kate Schroder, who is trying to use one of the Democrats’ strongest 2018 talking points, health care, to drive Democratic turnout

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Democratic groups launch digital ad blitz to flip Texas Legislature

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A coalition of groups working to flip the Texas House is unveiling a $1.1 million digital ad campaign backing 11 candidates.

With Democrats nine seats away from the majority, the program targets some of the most competitive races, according to details first shared with The Texas Tribune. The beneficiaries include contenders such as Joanna Cattanach, the challenger to state Rep. Morgan Meyer, R-Dallas, and Akilah Bacy, who is running for an open seat in Houston.

The members of the coalition include the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, the group led by former U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, and the Texas House Democratic Campaign Committee. Also involved are the Future Now Fund, The People PAC and The Creative Resistance.

Each of the 11 candidates has been endorsed by at least one of the coalition groups.

The majority fight is drawing increasing national investment. The Democratic super PAC Forward Majority announced earlier this month that it would spend $6.2 million across 18 races, while the Republican State Leadership Committee said days later that it would plow more into Texas than any other state this fall and top the Forward Majority investment.

“I feel good about where we are,” NDRC campaigns director Garrett Arwa said in an interview. “I think that for us, the evidence is in the fact that we are rolling out a program of this magnitude, with the number of partners we are rolling it out with.”

Arwa said the ads will be “largely positive” and, in general, will spotlight the candidates’ backgrounds, biographies and qualifications. “This is very district by district, this is very candidate by candidate,” Arwa said of the messaging.

Here are the 11 candidates benefiting from the digital ad blitz:

  • HD-26: L. Sarah DeMerchant, who is running for the seat of retiring Rep. Rick Miller, R-Sugar Land.
  • HD-64: Angela Brewer, who is running against Rep. Lynn Stucky, R-Denton.
  • HD-66: Sharon Hirsch, who is challenging Rep. Matt Shaheen, R-Plano.
  • HD-67: Lorenzo Sanchez, who is running to unseat Rep. Jeff Leach R-Plano.
  • HD-92: Jeff Whitfield, who is running to replace retiring Rep. Jonathan Stickland, R-Bedford.
  • HD-93: Lydia Bean, who is running to defeat Rep. Matt Krause, R-Fort Worth.
  • HD-97: Elizabeth Beck, who is opposing Rep. Craig Goldman, R-Fort Worth.
  • HD-108: Cattanach, who is opposing Meyer.
  • HD-112: Brandy Chambers, who is challenging Rep. Angie Chen Button, R-Richardson.
  • HD-134: Ann Johnson, who is running against Rep. Sarah Davis, R-Houston.
  • HD-138: Bacy, who is running to replace retiring Rep. Dwayne Bohac, R-Houston.

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Democrats to spend $6.2 million in effort to flip the Texas House

Texas Governor Greg Abbott
Texas Governor Greg Abbott

Texas Governor Greg Abbott Lynda M. Gonzalez-Pool/Getty Images

A national Democratic super PAC is pumping over $6 million in to the fight for the Texas House majority.

The group, Forward Majority, plans to spend $6.2 million across 18 races that will likely determine who controls the lower chamber in January, according to an announcement first shared with The Texas Tribune. The money will go toward TV ads, digital ads and mail in each district.

“We have a once in a generation opportunity to establish a Democratic majority ahead of redistricting and cement Texas’ status as the biggest battleground state in the country,” Forward Majority spokesperson Ben Wexler-Waite said in a statement.

Democrats are currently nine seats away from the House majority — and growing confident in their chances of capturing the chamber. They have a released a slew of internal polls in recent weeks showing close races in many of their targeted districts, with the Democratic nominees clearly ahead in some.

The 18 districts are a familiar battlefield to those following the majority battle. They are all open or GOP-held seats, largely in the Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston areas, where the incumbent won by less than 10 percentage points in 2018.

Forward Majority has already been a significant player in Texas House races. It made a late push in the 2018 election, injecting $2.2 million into 32 lower-tier contests as Democrats went on to flip 12 seats. Forward Majority was also among the groups that went all in on the January special election for House District 28, which ended in disappointment for Democrats when Republican Gary Gates won by 16 points.

But many state and national Democratic groups were undeterred and still see a ripe opportunity this fall in Texas, especially with poll after poll auguring a tight presidential race at the top of the ticket. The GOP is on alert: The Republican State Leadership Committee has called Texas a “top priority” and promised to spend “several million dollars” to keep the state House red.

Here are the 18 districts that Forward Majority is targeting with its $6.2 million investment:

  • HD-26 (open): retiring Rep. Rick Miller, R-Sugar Land

  • HD-28: Gates

  • HD-29: Rep. Ed Thompson, R-Pearland

  • HD-54: Rep. Brad Buckley, R-Killeen

  • HD-64: Rep. Lynn Stucky, R-Denton

  • HD-66: Rep. Matt Shaheen, R-Plano

  • HD-67: Rep. Jeff Leach, R-Plano

  • HD-92 (open): retiring Rep. Jonathan Stickland, R-Bedford

  • HD-93: Rep. Matt Krause, R-Fort Worth

  • HD-94: Rep. Tony Tinderholt, R-Arlington

  • HD-96 (open): retiring Rep. Bill Zedler, R-Arlington

  • HD-97: Rep. Craig Goldman, R-Fort Worth

  • HD-108: Rep. Morgan Meyer, R-Dallas

  • HD-112: Rep. Angie Chen Button, R-Richardson

  • HD-121: Rep. Steve Allison, R-San Antonio

  • HD-126: Rep. Sam Harless, R-Spring

  • HD-134: Rep. Sarah Davis, R-West University Place

  • HD-138 (open): retiring Rep. Dwayne Bohac, R-Houston

The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues. 

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After Democrats’ Big 2018 Gains, More House Seats Could Flip | Pennsylvania News

By MARC LEVY, Associated Press

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — In the shadow of Pennsylvania’s status as a battleground state in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two as the state’s suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump.

Meanwhile, Republicans are trying to defend their survivors in more evenly divided districts, while hoping to knock off some of the Democrats’ freshmen and one veteran congressman who keeps winning a district where Trump is popular.

Elections in 2018 were fruitful for Democrats: Aided by redrawn districts and anti-Trump fervor, they picked up four seats in Pennsylvania, evening the state’s partisan balance in the U.S. House and helping the party recapture the House majority overall.

There may be room for more districts to flip. Two incumbent Republicans won by fewer than 3 percentage points in 2018, while Democrats represent two districts that Trump won in 2016.

Here is a look at key races:

Second-term Republican U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick in Bucks County, just north of Philadelphia, is a top target again for Democrats: He is one of just three House Republicans in the entire country running for reelection in a district won by Democrat Hillary Clinton in 2016′s presidential contest.

But Fitzpatrick, a mild-mannered former FBI agent who took over the seat from his late brother, has a potent winning formula and is being challenged by a relative political unknown nominated by Democrats.

Fitzpatrick has his family’s name recognition and inroads into traditional Democratic voting districts. He is endorsed by top-tier labor unions and persistently uses the theme of being independent; a digital ad calls him the “No. 1 most independent congressman.”

He is the only Republican congressman in Pennsylvania who routinely votes against Trump or Republican leadership; he voted with Democrats last summer to condemn Trump for telling four Democratic congresswomen of color to “go back” to the country they came from.

He also said he has not decided whether to vote for Biden or Trump this November.

Even so, Fitzpatrick voted for Trump’s tax-cut legislation and opposed his impeachment. His opponent, Democrat Christina Finello, attacks Fitzpatrick as too weak to stand up to Trump and silent in the face of Trump’s worst transgressions.

Democrats have a 19,000-voter registration advantage in the district, which Clinton won by 2 percentage points.

But, going into July, Fitzpatrick had six times the campaign cash as Finello. And no outside groups have heavily spent to help Finello.

That’s a good sign for Fitzpatrick: He won by 2.5 points in 2018, when he was outspent nearly four-to-one by his wealthy Democratic rival and millions flowed in from outside groups.

Freshman Democrat U.S. Rep. Susan Wild is defending her Allentown-area seat against Republican nominee Lisa Scheller, a former Lehigh County commissioner who started a pigment manufacturer for paints, coatings and inks and touts her background as a recovered addict who advocates for people in recovery.

Wild, a prominent lawyer in Allentown, scored

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After Democrats’ big 2018 gains, more House seats could flip

FILE - In this Nov. 6, 2018, file photo, Rep. Conor Lamb, D-Pa, talks with reporters in Mt. Lebanon, Pa. Lamb faces Republican Sean Parnell for his seat in the 17th Congressional District of Pennsylvania. In the shadow of its battleground status in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two in Pennsylvania as the suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump.

FILE – In this Nov. 6, 2018, file photo, Rep. Conor Lamb, D-Pa, talks with reporters in Mt. Lebanon, Pa. Lamb faces Republican Sean Parnell for his seat in the 17th Congressional District of Pennsylvania. In the shadow of its battleground status in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two in Pennsylvania as the suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump.

AP

In the shadow of Pennsylvania’s status as a battleground state in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two as the state’s suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump.

Meanwhile, Republicans are trying to defend their survivors in more evenly divided districts, while hoping to knock off some of the Democrats’ freshmen and one veteran congressman who keeps winning a district where Trump is popular.

Elections in 2018 were fruitful for Democrats: Aided by redrawn districts and anti-Trump fervor, they picked up four seats in Pennsylvania, evening the state’s partisan balance in the U.S. House and helping the party recapture the House majority overall.

There may be room for more districts to flip. Two incumbent Republicans won by fewer than 3 percentage points in 2018, while Democrats represent two districts that Trump won in 2016.

Here is a look at key races:

____

1ST DISTRICT

Second-term Republican U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick in Bucks County, just north of Philadelphia, is a top target again for Democrats: He is one of just three House Republicans in the entire country running for reelection in a district won by Democrat Hillary Clinton in 2016′s presidential contest.

But Fitzpatrick, a mild-mannered former FBI agent who took over the seat from his late brother, has a potent winning formula and is being challenged by a relative political unknown nominated by Democrats.

Fitzpatrick has his family’s name recognition and inroads into traditional Democratic voting districts. He is endorsed by top-tier labor unions and persistently uses the theme of being independent; a digital ad calls him the “No. 1 most independent congressman.”

He is the only Republican congressman in Pennsylvania who routinely votes against Trump or Republican leadership; he voted with Democrats last summer to condemn Trump for telling four Democratic congresswomen of color to “go back” to the country they came from.

He also said he has not decided whether to vote for Biden or Trump this November.

Even so, Fitzpatrick voted for Trump’s tax-cut legislation and opposed his impeachment. His opponent, Democrat Christina Finello, attacks Fitzpatrick as too weak to stand up to Trump and silent in the face of Trump’s worst transgressions.

Democrats have a 19,000-voter registration advantage in the district, which Clinton won by 2 percentage points.

But, going into July, Fitzpatrick had six times the campaign cash as Finello. And no outside groups have heavily spent to help Finello.

That’s a good sign for Fitzpatrick:

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After Democrats’ big 2018 gains, more House seats could flip

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — In the shadow of Pennsylvania’s status as a battleground state in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two as the state’s suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump.



FILE - In this Nov. 6, 2018, file photo, Rep. Conor Lamb, D-Pa, talks with reporters in Mt. Lebanon, Pa. Lamb faces Republican Sean Parnell for his seat in the 17th Congressional District of Pennsylvania. In the shadow of its battleground status in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two in Pennsylvania as the suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump.  (AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar, File)


© Provided by Associated Press
FILE – In this Nov. 6, 2018, file photo, Rep. Conor Lamb, D-Pa, talks with reporters in Mt. Lebanon, Pa. Lamb faces Republican Sean Parnell for his seat in the 17th Congressional District of Pennsylvania. In the shadow of its battleground status in the presidential election, Democrats will fight to defend their gains in Congress two years ago and, possibly, add another seat or two in Pennsylvania as the suburbs continue to turn against President Donald Trump. (AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar, File)



FILE—In this file photo from June 12, 2020, Republican candidate for Pennsylvania's 17th Congressional District, Sean Parnell sits with Vice President Mike Pence, in Springdale, Pa. Parnell is looking to unseat Democrat Conor Lamb. (AP Photo/Keith Srakocic)


© Provided by Associated Press
FILE—In this file photo from June 12, 2020, Republican candidate for Pennsylvania’s 17th Congressional District, Sean Parnell sits with Vice President Mike Pence, in Springdale, Pa. Parnell is looking to unseat Democrat Conor Lamb. (AP Photo/Keith Srakocic)

Meanwhile, Republicans are trying to defend their survivors in more evenly divided districts, while hoping to knock off some of the Democrats’ freshmen and one veteran congressman who keeps winning a district where Trump is popular.

Elections in 2018 were fruitful for Democrats: Aided by redrawn districts and anti-Trump fervor, they picked up four seats in Pennsylvania, evening the state’s partisan balance in the U.S. House and helping the party recapture the House majority overall.

There may be room for more districts to flip. Two incumbent Republicans won by fewer than 3 percentage points in 2018, while Democrats represent two districts that Trump won in 2016.

Here is a look at key races:

____

1ST DISTRICT

Second-term Republican U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick in Bucks County, just north of Philadelphia, is a top target again for Democrats: He is one of just three House Republicans in the entire country running for reelection in a district won by Democrat Hillary Clinton in 2016′s presidential contest.

But Fitzpatrick, a mild-mannered former FBI agent who took over the seat from his late brother, has a potent winning formula and is being challenged by a relative political unknown nominated by Democrats.

Fitzpatrick has his family’s name recognition and inroads into traditional Democratic voting districts. He is endorsed by top-tier labor unions and persistently uses the theme of being independent; a digital ad calls him the “No. 1 most independent congressman.”

He is the only Republican congressman in Pennsylvania who routinely votes against Trump or Republican leadership; he voted with Democrats last summer to condemn Trump for telling four Democratic congresswomen of color to “go back” to the country they came from.

He also said he has not decided whether to vote for Biden or Trump this November.

Even so, Fitzpatrick voted for Trump’s tax-cut legislation and opposed his impeachment. His opponent, Democrat Christina Finello, attacks Fitzpatrick as too weak to stand up to Trump and silent in

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